Telangana’s socio-political, economic, educational, and caste survey, initiated on Wednesday, has set the stage for a long-overdue debate on caste-based data. The Congress-led initiative, which echoes promises made in its election manifesto, aims to survey every one of the state’s 1.17 crore households. While this task is monumental — akin to a mini-census — it attempts to accomplish what the national Census has not dared: gather authentic data on caste. This is the first such effort since the British-era surveys of the 1930s, which in itself underscores how deep our collective reluctance runs when it comes to addressing caste.
In theory, the timing might raise eyebrows, as a full census is on the way in 2025. Why the redundancy? The answer is that this survey ventures where the Census may not: identifying and cataloging Other Backward Classes (OBCs), officially called “socially and educationally backward classes.” This data is essential not only for equity but also for legitimacy. The Centre’s hesitancy to include caste data in the upcoming census has raised questions, but one thing is clear: policies and quotas cannot function effectively if they’re built on guesses. The Mandal Commission’s OBC reservations, for instance, are based on decades-old approximations.
Without precise data, the entire framework teeters on the brink of irrelevance. Consider Bihar’s recent caste-based survey, which revealed that benefits intended for OBCs often remain in the hands of a few well-connected groups, leaving the most disadvantaged within these communities adrift. Data illuminates such realities, much like Peter Drucker’s adage, “Only what gets measured gets managed.” Knowing who is left out of progress isn’t divisive; it’s necessary. Similar patterns can be found globally; Germany’s private census for Black residents, for example, exposed disparities in opportunity and access.
Critics argue that caste-based data would only reinforce divisive lines. Yet, it’s time we acknowledge the paradox in our policies: while the Census Act of 1948 shuns caste data, our reservation and welfare structures are built around it. The Supreme Court had on umpteen occasions mentioned the need for correct data. Without clear numbers, there’s no way to allocate resources fairly or plan meaningful development. Telangana’s survey might be the first step in a much-needed process. If caste data can finally bring clarity and targeted assistance, perhaps the rest of the country should take note. In a society as layered as India’s, ignoring caste data won’t erase divisions; it only perpetuates them under the guise of unity.